11/27/1996
FEATURED ARTICLE
12th Avenue freezeout
by Bob Fitrakis

An age-old question on government abuse asks: “Who watches the watchers?” In Columbus, the answer is easy, it’s Copwatch.

Active and visible in the OSU campus area since the May 17, 1996 confrontation between Columbus police officers and 12th Avenue partiers, their slogan is “Refuse to be Abused”; their logo depicts an eyeball for the “O” in the word Cop. A pamphlet they’ve handed out every weekend this fall states: “We have cameras. We have lawyers. We have people who can be seen, and people who can’t. We are watching cops right now in the OSU area.”

And all of it’s true.

Like many seemingly subversive and radical ideas and innovations, the Copwatch concept originated in Berkeley. It is a direct linear descendant of perhaps America’s most well-known militant Copwatchers-the Oakland-based Black Panther Party and the Berkeley-based student liberation movement that brought us the student Free Speech Movement and clashed with the police over Peoples Park in the ’60s.

Like its Bay-Area predecessors, Copwatch was first organized in February 1990 on the south side of Berkeley in response to “police brutality,” according to Berkeley’s Copwatch handbook. The ongoing struggle between the University of California at Berkeley administration and campus-area residents over the removal of the Peoples Cafe from Peoples Park once again brought “people together out of a mutual understanding that this violence, which is targeted at the poor, street people, people of color, activists and hippies is a direct result of pressure from the university, many Telegraph Avenue merchants and landlords to gentrify the area,” the handbook explains.

In its initial manifesto proclaiming “Who is Copwatch?” the organization asserted: “We have come to feel that the very people who are supposed to safeguard our persons and property have actually come to represent a major threat to us.” They weren’t alone and their idea began to spread across the country.

In 1994, the Minneapolis Anti-Racist Action chapter, an organization whose national headquarters is in Columbus’s north campus area, started its own version of Copwatch. One of the Minneapolis founders, Justine-Copwatchers are generally reluctant to use their full name for fear of police harassment-conceded that “Our philosophy is a little different than Berkeley’s.

“We have more of a critique of the state, and what the police work to do, to uphold racist laws and a class-based society and suppress the poor,” she explained. Unlike Berkeley, the Minneapolis Copwatch focuses mainly on the downtown areas where they claim that African-American youth are routinely harassed on Friday and Saturday nights. Justine said that, “Curfews are strictly enforced on black youth and we didn’t see that being done in other areas, so it provided us with a way to have a greater public presence” by monitoring the police.

The instructions in the Minneapolis Copwatch handbook call for much more aggressive action than Berkeley’s. Their teams of four “intervenors” are told that, “It’s your job to find out what’s going on, be a witness, and prevent false arrest and harassment.” The more Gandi-ist Berkeley chapter says, “Treat everyone you come in contact with in a friendly and polite manner”; the Minnesota chapter advises, “Don’t get into philosophical debates with pigs, it’s pointless.” The Minneapolis Copwatch literature proclaims: “We don’t talk to cops!” They instruct their members: “They are our oppressors and you are committed to fighting oppression.” They define one of the notetaker’s tasks in the handbook as recording “Stupid or fucked-up quotes from the cops.”

Despite their more militant tactics and rhetoric, Justine said that only four Copwatch members have been arrested in its two years of existence, all misdemeanors involving interference with official police business.

On the other hand, the fledgling and much less confrontational Columbus Copwatch had four of its members arrested in a two-week period between October 13 and 27, and are adding a different element, the lawsuit. Attorney Jim McNamara said he plans to file suit on Wednesday, November 27 in the Franklin County Common Pleas Court against the city of Columbus and Columbus Police Officer David J. Dennison and, as yet, unnamed John and Jane Doe officers. The suit, filed on behalf of plaintiffs Shammas Jones, Chris Wisniewski, and Walter Leake alleges “assault and battery,” “false arrest,” and “malicious prosecution” against the officers and the city.

The lawsuit stems from the Columbus Police Department’s actions in the south campus area on the evening of May 17, 1996. It also led to the founding of Copwatch in Columbus. Jones, then a third-year Criminology student, stood behind the police and videotaped them as they charged down 12th Avenue firing tear gas and wooden bullets and making random arrests.

The reason for the confrontation between a couple hundred police and throng of 12th Avenue party-goers remains a mystery. The lawsuit states: “This large police presence was not in response to any emergency situation or civil disobedience. Rather, it was a pre-planned action.” McNamara claims that testimony in the Shammas Jones criminal trial-where a jury unanimously acquitted of all criminal charges-demonstrated that the police planned the confrontation with the partiers “up to 10 days earlier.”

McNamara contends that Jones merely “observed, videotaped, and then turned to walk away” when “he was attacked from behind by the police, Maced in the face, knocked to the ground, pushed and struck violently and repeatedly.” The suit alleges that the police attacked Jones “because he had videotaped improper police actions.” Jones asserts that the portion of his tape that showed the police misconduct was erased while in police custody.

“I don’t have any knowledge of that,” said Commander Steven Gammil, the CPD officer in charge of the situation on the OSU campus the night Jones, Wisniewski and Leake was arrested.

So outraged was Jones by the police action he refused an offer by the city of Columbus to dismiss all criminal charges against him, including disorderly conduct and resisting arrest, if he signed an agreement promising not to sue the city and the officers.

Co-plaintiff Chris Wisniewski, a member of Anti-Racist Action (ARA), was shocked by the police assault on Jones, an African-American, and “paused and made a critical comment on the police action,” according to McNamara. Wisniewski, the suit claims, was also “attacked from behind” and arrested.

Co-plaintiff Leake was Maced “in a police show of force to clear the area quickly,” says the suit. Neither Wisniewski nor Leake were charged with criminal conduct. “Look, there’s three steps here. First, the police hurt you physically if you attempt to witness their actions. Then they arrest you, and finally, they charge you if you happen to catch them on videotape,” McNamara asserts.

Within a week, ARA activists aware of the Copwatch in Minneapolis, took to the streets. On May 31, a dozen Copwatchers demonstrated on the corner of 12th and High with a banner asking a simple question: “Is South Campus a Student Neighborhood or a Penal Colony!?” Diverting from the Minneapolis model, Columbus Copwatchers emphasize not only non-confrontational observing of south campus police activity, but educating area residents of their Constitutional rights. Every weekend night on campus they hand out literature containing “Practical tips in dealing with the police.” One tip advises, “Do not ‘bad mouth’ the police or run away, even if you believe what is happening is unreasonable.”

The summer months weren’t much of a test as to the police’s receptiveness to the Copwatch tactics. News coverage on NBC4 showing police brutality, with video depicting an officer repeatedly punching an arrested student, helped create a friendly environment for Copwatch activity.

Autumn quarter at OSU became the real challenge. It started well enough with Shammas Jones being acquitted on September 23. But then things got ugly. After OSU’s victory over Notre Dame, police provided little or no law enforcement as a small but determined group of celebrators vandalized and overturned cars on 12th Avenue. Public sympathy for south campus residents quickly vanished. With great fanfare, OSU President Gordon Gee disposed of due process and suspended several students suspected of taking part in the vandalism, which occurred off-campus and not under the university’s jurisdiction.

Copwatch members claimed that the Columbus Police Department let the vandalism get out of control to punish 12th Avenue residents critical of their May 17 actions and to manipulate public opinion. It worked. With elected officials and the public at large decrying student vandalism, the police were virtually given carte blanche to control the south campus area.

Liquor control agents posing as store clerks and pizza delivery men invaded the south campus area to crack down on underage drinking. They routinely enter area residences that host weekend parties, checking I.D.’s, making arrests and confiscating kegs. And the mainstream media began to report routinely the number of campus arrests each weekend along with the Buckeye football score. OSU student Anthony Tarantino commented that the police “are taking away all our freedoms. They’re watching us all the time. It’s like we live in a police state.” Another student, Donald Cox, said “The cops are screwing everything up. We need gas masks to party. It sucks.”

The emboldened police immediately cracked down on Copwatchers. On October 13, a Copwatch member was arrested for videotaping police arrests. The tape he shot clearly shows that he was complying with police orders. Columbus Alive viewed a video provided by McNamara that shows the police ordering the Copwatch videographer to the sidewalk, a safe distance away from the arrest. The police later push the videographer into a crowd of students and arrest him after he asks them if they want to “get macho for the camera.”

“What Copwatch was doing is perfectly legal,” argues McNamara.

On October 19, Copwatch organized a rally, in conjunction with ARA’s national convention, of some 300 people to march against police brutality in the south campus area. Police squad cars followed the peaceful demonstration and waded into the crowd at Blake Avenue and High Street to arrest a marcher for walking in the street. In making the arrest, they Maced several demonstrators, including this Columbus Alive reporter. Police later denied using Mace to the media.

Copwatch members and police clashed again on October 27. Both Josh Klein and Ann Pussel were arrested while peacefully videotaping an arrest near 12th and High. And fellow watcher Patricia Sikora was ticketed when she followed the police cruiser to the Franklin County jail to bail them out. Columbus Alive obtained a tape of the incident that is strikingly at odds with the police arrest report submitted by Lieutenant Rich Mann. In Mann’s report, “Mr. Klein then walked right up to the officer’s face, pushing his camcorder into their faces. He was again ordered to leave the area. Mr. Klein then walked to the sidewalk taunting and crying at officers.”

The tape tells a different tale. Officers indeed ordered Klein a safe distance away to the sidewalk. At that point, a male companion of the man being arrested says to the Copwatchers, “That’s fucked up. It takes a whole precinct to arrest him.” Police officers, clearly not in any danger with their man arrested and in the cruiser, take offense to the companion’s remark and walk up to the camera. When they put their hands on Klein, he says “Don’t touch me. Don’t touch me.” In Mann’s version-not substantiated by the tape-Klein says “I don’t have to leave. Don’t you fucking touch me.” Upon arrest, fearing that his tape would meet the same fate as that of Shammas Jones, Klein passed his camera off to Ann Pussel, who was immediately arrested for interfering with police business.

McNamara vows to produce, in addition to the tape, at least three eyewitnesses who support Copwatch’s version. On October 31, the U.S. Justice Department announced an investigation of evidence of patterned discrimination by Columbus Police officers giving Copwatch members some hope that their arrests have not been in vain.

Doug Browell, chief labor attorney for the city of Columbus, commented Tuesday, “We don’t try our cases in the press. So I really have no comment on [the investigation.] What I can say is that the city is cooperating with the investigation as much as possible.”

Ron Zeller, owner of the south campus restaurant Street Scene and self-professed “Copwatch Watcher,” has strong opinions on Copwatch tactics. “Copwatch serves some good purposes, but they’ve overstepped their bounds a little bit.” While he supports the police and criticizes the Copwatchers for interfering, he concedes that the crux of the problem is the government’s policy that tries “to legislate moral and social problems.” He said that out of the 29 altercations he’s had at Street Scene, 27 involved non-college students. “Just today I had a 28-year-old who wanted to throw a beer bottle at the TV set because the Buckeyes lost to Michigan. He’s not a student. There’s too much Section 8 housing in the area. Too much density in the 12th Avenue area and that’s the landlord’s fault, not the students.” He frankly admits that he believes there’s “discriminatory enforcement of the liquor laws in the campus area.”

In anticipation of an OSU victory over Michigan, 400 riot police moved into the south campus area last weekend. No major confrontations or arrests of Copwatch members were reported.

Now comes the winter of Copwatch’s discontent and litigation. It’s not quite as exciting as Huey Newton brandishing a gun and a copy of the Constitution and facing down the Oakland Police in the 1960s, but it may be as equally important in our current climate of rough-’em-up police tactics and prison-building that the police know that they’re accountable to the communities they’re sworn to protect and serve.

FightBack Talk Radio July 23, AG Shutsdown Fed Attny Firing Investigation

11/27/1996
Our Buddy
by Bob Fitrakis

While most people in Ohio were suffering from scarlet and gray fever last Saturday, 1,000 mourners from all over the state marched in Cincinnati to honor the memory of homeless activist Buddy Gray.

Buddy was the co-founder of the Drop-In Center homeless shelter in Cincinnati. But he was more than that. Buddy was no mere advocate, who sold his people out for 30 pieces of silver from the town’s elite.

Back in 1991, when Governor George “I am your shepherd” Voinovich got a politically motivated inspiration to abolish General Assistance (G.A.) and wage war on the poor in the name of Christian virtue, Buddy brought a dozen people from the Drop-In Center to a Statehouse protest. Buddy and his mostly homeless co-conspirators posted an eviction notice at the governor’s office, moved his furniture into the hall, and sat down.

The state police were not amused. They took the brunt of their frustration out on Buddy, I suspect because he looked like an aging hippie. They stuck fingers up his nose, they choked him, they beat him, kicked him and twisted his neck by pulling on his ponytail.

When I photographed the assault on Buddy and told the police to quit brutalizing him, they obliged by choking me. In the last speech I heard Buddy give, he predicted that the governor’s vicious cuts and documented lies that “able-bodied men” were the ones being cut off of G.A. would come back to haunt our society. Buddy foresaw that it wasn’t simply the money, but the medical benefits that went to the homeless-many of them under visible stress and some de-institutionalized mental patients-that would lead to social disruption.

On November 15, 1996, Buddy was shot to death in his office at the Drop-In Center by a homeless man with a history of behavioral problems. Just the sort that was kicked to the curb by our pious governor.

Buddy looked and acted like an Old Testament prophet. He knew that you could not serve two masters: either you stood with the poor and oppressed, or you bowed to the wishes of the rich and powerful. Buddy died unbowed, unbent, and an unrepentant advocate for “the least of his brethren.”

Family affair
Well, well. The Sunday Dispatch almost broke a story on the mayoral investigation of the Columbus Police Department. Their coverage had been so careful it bordered on conspiracy. There’s plenty more for the Daily Monopoly to dig up if they suddenly decide to give a damn. The Big D seems to have figured out the Chief Jackson/Commander Burns prostitution connection, now let’s try once again to teach the old dog a new trick.

Sit. Roll over. Speak. Say the name “Commander Curtis Marcum.” Good dog! More than a few officers have seen the thousand-or-so-page report on the murder of retired police Sergeant Mt. Vernon Johnson. James Moss, also a retired police sergeant and the director of Police Officers for Equal Rights, commented on my radio show Sunday that he has been to Washington D.C. three times in the last year to inform the Justice Department of patterns of discrimination in Columbus and the peculiar circumstances surrounding Johnson’s death. Moss, who claims to have read the investigative report, says former Supervisor in the Police Intelligence Bureau Commander Marcum and several members of his family were involved in the sordid tragedy of Mt. Vernon’s murder.

A law-enforcement source confirms Moss’s allegation. Reportedly, the story goes like this: Commander Marcum’s mother kept the kitchen at Mt. Vernon’s high-stakes west side gambling house. She also was in Mt. Vernon’s gambling book well over 200 times in less than two years. Curt’s sister gambled there as well.

But, still more curious, are questions surrounding Curt’s younger brother, a regular player and loser in Mt. Vernon’s game that should have made him a prime suspect, yet he was never questioned. Law-enforcement sources allege that he was a cocaine user and small-time drug dealer who used to sell drugs from a house in the 2400 block of Indianola. The investigation team knows that there’s no way in hell that Curt was unaware of Mt. Vernon’s gambling operation and suspect that Commander Marcum was using his position in the Police Intelligence Bureau to protect his family.

June 16, 2010

The BP Gulf Coast Fiasco Part 2 with Harvey Wasserman & Dr

Join us Tuesday – June 29th – 7:00pm

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DAVID COBB
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2004 Green Party Presidential Candidate

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From WCRS :
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AMERICAN DRUG WAR Free Press Free Film Night, Tuesday, June 22
By Nation Of Gandhis – Jun 16, 2010 10:40:07 AM ET
AMERICAN DRUG WAR
Free Press Free Film Night

7:30pm

Drexel Theater
2254 E. Main Street, Bexley
Sponsored by the Drexel, the Free Press and the Central Ohio Green
Education Fund

With our country teetering on financial ruination, politicians once
opposed to the legalization of Marijuana are finally coming to their
senses. However, it’s foolish to think we are anywhere near ending
this national nightmare. Please don’t wait until you or someone you
care about ends up in prison, get involved now
35 years after Nixon started the war on drugs, we have over one million
non-violent drug offenders living behind bars.

The War on Drugs has become the longest and most costly war in American
history, the question has become, how much more can the country endure?
Inspired by the death of four family members from “legal drugs” Texas
filmmaker Kevin Booth sets out to discover why the Drug War has become
such a big failure. Three and a half years in the making, the film
follows gang members, former DEA agents, CIA officers, narcotics
officers, judges, politicians, prisoners and celebrities. Most notably
the film befriends Freeway Ricky Ross; the man many accuse for starting
the Crack epidemic, who after being arrested discovered that his
cocaine source had been working for the CIA.

AMERICAN DRUG WAR shows how money, power and greed have corrupted not
just drug pushers and dope fiends, but an entire government. More
importantly, it shows what can be done about it. This is not some
‘pro-drug’ stoner film, but a collection of expert testimonials from
the ground troops on the front lines of the drug war, the ones who are
fighting it and the ones who are living it.

www.AMERICANDRUGWAR.COM

Bob Fitrakis

May 3, 2010

Back when “tin soldiers and Nixon” were “cutting us down” in 1970, a group of Ohio State University students and campus activists started an underground newspaper in Columbus. Driven mostly by the murder of four students at Kent State – Allison Krause, Jeff Miller, Sandy Scheuer, and Bill Schroeder – shot during a demonstration that was opposing President Nixon’s illegal attack on Cambodia and the Vietnam War, the Columbus Free Press was born.

Not surprisingly, the Free Press was the first western newspaper to expose Cambodia’s killing fields thanks to international law professor John Quigley’s reporting from Southeast Asia.

In the first issue of the Free Press, the October 11, 1970 issue, a Free Press opinion attacked a special grand jury’s decision not to indict Ohio National Guardsmen for the Kent State killings. The Free Press wrote at the time: “The jury conveniently disregarded the FBI report which stated that the guardsmen were not ’surrounded,’ that they had tear gas, contrary to claims of guardsmen following the shooting.”

The Free Press went on to point out the obvious facts: “…a film of the shootings shown on a northern Ohio TV station on the night of May 4th shows the guardsmen retreating up the slope, then turning, kneeling, firing a volley, and rising to fire a few more scattered shots before regrouping and going over the hill. Panic may have aided in the shootings, but it was not the cause. THE GUARDSMEN FIRED ON ORDER, and the men who gave the order and the others who carried it out are free.”

Of course, the same could be said of George W. Bush and Dick Cheney who waged an illegal war against the people of Iraq and murdered over a million civilians, yet still walk free. And the war endures under President Obama. The Kent State precedent of letting known murderers move among us set the stage for the smiley-face pro-torture policies of the Bush years.

Former Free Press Editor Steve Conliff did his best to bring Governor Jim Rhodes to justice for inciting the National Guard to violence against peace demonstrators. At the 1977 Ohio State Fair, Conliff pied Big Jim, exemplifying the underground press motto – If you don’t like the news, go out and make some of your own. Hardly the people’s tribunal longed for by the Free Press staff, but nevertheless, great political theater.

Local Free Clinic physician Pete Howison performed an experiment at Conliff’s trial, proving that pie-ing did not constitute a violent assault. Conliff was found not guilty.

Rhodes was pied by proxy again in 1990 on the 20th anniversary of the shootings, when his statute, then on the Ohio Statehouse grounds, took a direct hit to the face by a strawberry cream pie, thrown by Dr. Pete Howison. A photo of the red goop symbolically dripping down Rhodes’ face appeared in the next Free Press issue.

In 1992, the Free Press moved into an East Broad Street office that had an unusual wall in the back erected only three-quarters of the way up to the ceiling. When the office started leaking after a rainstorm, I climbed over the wall to determine the damage. Ironically, I found the original ACLU legal files containing documents from their lawsuit against the National Guardsmen at Kent State. The morgue photos of the dead students are seared into my brain.

When Jim Rhodes died, the Free Press made a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request from his FBI file. Here we learned the dirty truth of Rhodes’ ties to the mob and the FBI’s use of that information, some would call it blackmail, to win concessions from the governor. As the Free Press wrote in 2003, a January 14, 1963 memo noted that: “He [Rhodes] is completely controlled by an SAC [Special Agent in Charge] contact, and we have full assurances that everything we need will be made available promptly. Our experience proves this assertion.”

The FOIA file revealed that the SAC contact was none other than Robert H. Wolfe, publisher of the Columbus Dispatch.

Dispatch reporter Bob Ruth had earlier disclosed to the Free Press that Rhodes had run a gambling operation in the OSU campus area. His headquarters during the 1930s was allegedly Gussie’s State Tavern, across the street from the law school. Serendipitously, the building would later house the shop Tradewinds, one of the early headquarters of the Free Press.

The FBI would cut the corrupt numbers man Rhodes all the slack he needed because: “He is a friend of law enforcement and believes in honest, hard-hitting law enforcement. He respects and admires [the] FBI.”

In 2007, the Free Press decried “The lethal media silence on Kent State’s smoking guns” in an article I co-wrote with Harvey Wasserman. When tape-recorded evidence surfaced 37 years after the fact proving the original Free Press editorial to be correct, the mainstream for-profit corporate media, including the Dispatch, ignored it.

Rhodes’ good friends in the FBI had in their possession a tape that documented that the guardsmen were ordered to fire. Prior to the shootings, Terry Strubbe, a Kent State student had hung a microphone out of his dorm window and captured 20 seconds of sound, including the gunfire. In an amplified version of the tape, a Guard officer is heard shouting: “Right here! Get set! Point! Fire!”

Those, like the Free Press, who argued that there was an order to shoot the students were dismissed per standard mainstream media protocol as “conspiracy theorists.”

It’s never too late to embrace the truth. Rhodes was a mobster being blackmailed by the FBI who agitated his guardsmen against the students and was in the middle of a heated primary campaign for U.S. Senate. The day before the shootings, Rhodes is on record stating that student peace demonstrators were the “strongest, well-trained militant revolutionary group that has ever assembled in America. They’re worse than the brown shirts and the Communists and the night riders and the vigilantes. They are the worst type of people that we harbor in America.”

The Free Press demands a Truth Commission on the Kent State shootings. Let all sides present their evidence, even the well-trained propagandists and coincidence theorists who specialize in blaming the victims, usually for political or monetary gain. Four remain dead in Ohio and justice remains unserved.


Bob Fitrakis has been of the Free Press since 1992.

Original article published at:
https://freepress.org/columns/display/3/2010/1828